Federalist No. 36 continues Alexander Hamilton’s defense of the Constitution’s taxing power, especially against the objection that the national government could never handle internal taxation well because it would lack local knowledge and would clash with state tax systems. Hamilton’s answer is basically: nonsense, or at least exaggerated nonsense.
This paper matters because Hamilton argues that federal taxation can be administered with local help, practical adaptation, and common sense. He also takes a swing at the parade of fears about double tax officers, crushing duplicate taxation, and horrible poll taxes. His view is that most of these “spectres” are political stage props, not fatal constitutional problems.
1. Strong people from any class can still rise into public life
“There are strong minds in every walk of life that will rise superior to the disadvantages of situation”
Hamilton begins by softening the previous paper’s broad class-based argument. He says exceptional people can emerge from any station, and the door to office should stay open to all.
2. The local-knowledge objection is “entirely destitute of foundation”
“The supposition of a want of proper knowledge seems to be entirely destitute of foundation.”
That is one of the clearest lines in the paper. Hamilton thinks the claim that a national legislature cannot understand local tax conditions is far weaker than critics pretend.
3. National legislators can learn local details the same way state legislators do
“If any question is depending in a State legislature respecting one of the counties, which demands a knowledge of local details, how is it acquired?”
“No doubt from the information of the members of the county.”
Hamilton’s point is simple: state legislatures do not possess magical omniscience. They get local knowledge from representatives. Congress can do the same thing through members from each state.
4. The relevant knowledge is broad economic knowledge, not every creek and backroad
“Is the knowledge of local circumstances… a minute topographical acquaintance with all the mountains, rivers, streams, highways, and bypaths in each State”
“or is it a general acquaintance with its situation and resources”
Great Hamilton line. He mocks the idea that tax policy requires encyclopedic knowledge of every ditch and goat path. What matters is a workable understanding of a state’s resources, wealth, production, and consumption.
5. Tax policy is usually prepared by a small number of informed people anyway
“Nations in general… usually commit the administration of their finances to single men or to boards composed of a few individuals”
Hamilton says this is normal. Serious governments do not wait for every person to become a tax expert. They rely on informed statesmen and administrators.
6. Indirect taxes should be the easier case
“as to the latter [indirect taxes]… one is at a loss to conceive what can be the nature of the difficulties apprehended.”
He thinks the complaint is especially weak when it comes to excises and duties on consumption. Those objects are easier to understand and manage than critics suggest.
7. Even land taxes rely on local assessors, not legislative omniscience
“the EXECUTION of the business, which alone requires the knowledge of local details, must be devolved upon discreet persons in the character of commissioners or assessors”
This is one of the strongest practical points in the essay. Hamilton says the legislature only sets the framework; the detailed local work is done by assessors and commissioners on the ground.
8. Congress can simply use each state’s own tax system inside that state
“The national legislature can make use of the SYSTEM OF EACH STATE WITHIN THAT STATE.”
That is probably the headline line from the paper. Hamilton argues that the federal government does not need to reinvent tax administration from scratch. It can borrow state methods where useful.
9. Census-based apportionment helps block favoritism
“An actual census or enumeration of the people must furnish the rule, a circumstance which effectually shuts the door to partiality or oppression.”
Hamilton points to apportionment rules as a safeguard. He says the structure limits room for arbitrary distribution of direct tax burdens.
10. Uniformity is another built-in protection
“all duties, imposts, and excises shall be UNIFORM throughout the United States.”
This is another constitutional guardrail. Hamilton reminds readers that the Constitution itself already blocks certain kinds of regional favoritism.
11. If internal taxation really proves inconvenient, the Union can forbear
“if the exercise of the power of internal taxation by the Union should be discovered on experiment to be really inconvenient, the federal government may then forbear the use of it”
Hamilton is not claiming every power must always be used to the max. He says federal discretion includes the option of backing off where prudence suggests it.
12. But the power should exist, because power itself improves requisitions
“the existence of such a power in the Constitution will have a strong influence in giving efficacy to requisitions.”
That is a subtle but important point. Hamilton says states are more likely to comply voluntarily when they know the Union has the option to act without them.
13. Federal and state tax laws need not clash
“there can be no clashing or repugnancy of authority.”
Hamilton says the legal horror story is overstated. Concurrent power does not automatically mean contradiction.
14. Practical peace can come from reciprocal forbearance
“mutually, to abstain from those objects which either side may have first had recourse to.”
“where there is an IMMEDIATE common interest, we may safely count upon its operation.”
This is Hamilton being practical again. The federal and state governments each have reasons not to stomp unnecessarily on the other’s chosen tax objects.
15. He openly mocks the parade of tax nightmares
“Many spectres have been raised”
“all the ingenious dexterity of political legerdemain.”
Great line. Hamilton says a lot of the opposition’s rhetoric about tax terror is basically constitutional ghost-story theater.
16. Double sets of officers are not inevitable
“there are two cases in which there can be no room for double sets of officers”
Hamilton says critics talk as if federal taxation automatically means a second swarm of tax collectors everywhere. He answers that this is not a necessary result at all.
17. The Union can even use state officers to collect taxes
“the United States will either wholly abstain… or will make use of the State officers and State regulations”
Again, his solution is practical and institutional, not dramatic. Reuse what already exists when it makes sense.
18. “Double taxation” is mostly a slogan, not an extra universe of burdens
“The quantity of taxes to be paid by the community must be the same in either case”
Hamilton’s argument is that the public burden does not magically double just because both levels of government have taxing authority. The same needs must be funded one way or another.
19. Better federal revenue design can spare the poorer classes
“making the luxury of the rich tributary to the public treasury”
“to diminish the necessity of those impositions which might create dissatisfaction in the poorer and most numerous classes”
That is one of the most interesting lines in the paper. Hamilton says good tax policy can tilt more of the burden toward luxury consumption and away from harsher burdens on the poor.
20. Hamilton dislikes poll taxes, but still wants them available in true emergencies
“I, without scruple, confess my disapprobation of them”
“a poll tax may become an inestimable resource.”
This is classic Hamilton: dislike the tool, but do not throw it out of the toolbox forever if a crisis might someday require it.
21. Government should not be disarmed of a weapon that may someday matter
“I acknowledge my aversion to every project that is calculated to disarm the government of a single weapon”
That is one of the best closing lines in the paper. Hamilton returns again to his favorite theme: do not cripple government in advance based on fantasies of permanent calm.
Why Federalist No. 36 Works for Highlights
Federalist No. 36 works very well as a highlights page because it is practical from start to finish. Hamilton is not just talking in constitutional abstractions here. He is walking through how taxes would actually be assessed, collected, coordinated, and limited in practice.
It is also a strong closing paper for the taxation sequence. Hamilton pulls together several recurring themes:
- local knowledge can be supplied
- concurrent powers need not mean chaos
- public burdens do not have to be arranged stupidly
- and constitutional powers should not be mutilated out of fear before experience even tests them.
Related Links
- Federalist No. 36 Full Text
- Federalist Papers
- Alexander Hamilton
- Federalist No. 35
- United States Constitution
- Articles of Confederation